Tuesday, September 3, 2013

ABC RADIO NATIONAL - Saturday Extra

Election 2013: Foreign policy

Click here to listen

Saturday 31 August 2013 8:05AM
Tomorrow (Sunday 1 September) Australia becomes the President of the UN Security Council for the first time in more than 27 years.
No matter who is in government after the election, they’re going to be faced with the massive dilemma of what to do about Syria.
So what are the challenges and the possibilities in the months and years ahead?

Guests

Elena Douglas
Research Associate, Perth-USA Asia Centre
Convenor, Centre for Social Impact, University of WA Business School
Michael Fullilove
Executive Director, Lowy Institute for International Policy
Anthony Milner
Basham Professor, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific
Thom Woodroofe
Co-founder and board member of Left Right think-tank, associate fellow of The Asia Society and freelance journalist.

Credits

Presenter
Geraldine Doogue
Producer
Dina Volaric

Monday, August 26, 2013

Health spending needs reform

ELENA DOUGLAS

Health spending needs reform

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Health spending needs reform
Western Australia is netting significant savings by privatising public hospitals, with other states to follow. Photo: Sylvia Liber
The reform of any system requires three things: incentive, clarity of authority and responsibility. Australia’s health system lacks all three, yet significant change is necessary to curb government health spending that, in the past 10 years, has increased by an unsustainable 80 per cent.
Firstly, take incentive to reform. States run the lions-share of health. Under current GST arrangements, states don’t benefit fiscally from their reform efforts. The Business Council of Australia’s proposal for GST by population would close this incentive gap.
Incentive is necessary because hard decisions are required, like private provision of public care. A 2009 Productivity Commission study compared government-owned and non-government-owned hospitals and found that on average, across the country, NGOs delivered services at lower cost, with better infection control. Internationally, post-ideological Sweden embraces the purchaser-provider split – 20 per cent of public hospital-care is delivered privately and 30 per cent of public primary-care.
Western Australia is actively privatising public hospitals: St John of God runs the Midland Health Campus, netting significant savings: $1.3 billion to date. Queensland is following suit: private providers will build and run Sunshine Coast University Hospital – to be Australia’s largest publicly owned, non-government-run teaching hospital. NSW is commissioning a non-government-designed, built and managed solution for the new Northern Beaches Hospital.

AUTHORITY SHOULD BE DEVOLVED

The second question is authority. The consensus is authority should be devolved as much as possible, to the local hospital, service delivery level. However to make meaningful change, local managers need the authority to hire and fire clinical staff on flexible terms, circumventing state-wide employment conditions restricting hospital productivity. This is the states’ reform task.
In Kevin Rudd and Tony Abbott we have two contenders who are both natural centralists. Rudd is running a scare campaign on Abbott’s “cuts to health”. In 2010 it was then health minister Nicola Roxon running a scare campaign on Rudd in an infamous Sky News interview when she recalled how, “with four days’ notice”, Rudd wanted to “take over the entire health system” without any materials for Cabinet or legal advice. Now that’s scary.
As a former federal health minister, Abbott’s instincts are centralist but he’s changing his tune. In the sanitised, updated 2013 edition of Battlelines Abbott says: “John Howard was right to express scepticism about whether Commonwealth bureaucrats would be better at running hospitals than their state counterparts, but wrong to imply that a Commonwealth assumption of responsibility for public hospitals would just swap one lot of bureaucrats for another.”
Shadow health minister Peter Dutton on the other hand is a fan of devolution. Dutton will close the “12 new health bureaucracies” in Canberra and “bolster front-line services by redirecting resources from bureaucratic structures that don’t provide patient care”. The Coalition will have local boards managing hospital budgets and appointing chief executives.

RESPONSIBILITY BUCK STOPS WITH US ALL

On the final issue: responsibility, where does the buck stop? The answer’s obvious: with each of us. When it comes to health spending, transparency and individual funding are paramount to engage citizens in spending health dollars wisely, putting a value on health and the behaviours which support it. Change must come. Incentive for reform is essential; authority should be clear and personal responsibility for health must be taken by each of us.
Make no mistake, there are votes in health. It has polled highest as “very important” to federal voting intentions in every Newspoll for six years bar one.
Elena Douglas is an economic and social policy commentator based in Perth.
The Australian Financial Review

Thursday, August 8, 2013

What today’s politicians can learn from the Federalists

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What today’s politicians can learn from the Federalists
The Royal Exhibition Building in Melbourne depicting the Federation of Australia. Photo: James Lauritz
ELENA DOUGLAS
An election campaign should be an opportunity to compare and choose between different visions for a country. What is an election for, if not to reflect on the nation we want to be? But in reality, given Australia’s brutal political climate, we know better than to expect either side to paint on a broad canvas.
Lifting our gaze and asking questions about the deeper meaning of the national experience may seem naive, even quaint. There is no time like now: Australians crave noble sentiments and a sense of national purpose. Yet neither side of politics is able to define a meaningful narrative. Perhaps this is because we have an inadequate sense of our past.
The future is as much about memory as imagination. Politicians draw from the past to paint the future. An inaccurate or narrow rendering of history limits our mental range.
Australia’s political style does not tend toward idealism. Pragmatism looms large. The country’s story has been told as a litany of sensible choices and pragmatic compromises. Australians are proud of this earnest, rational, calculated political tradition. None of your high-ideals palaver in realpolitik Australian style, thank you.
But what if this conception doesn’t capture the fullness of Australia’s story and thereby limits the view to the horizon?
In critical policy areas the debate has narrowed so there’s little difference between the major contenders. They slug it out at a level of unholy detail. Border protection has descended into who has more tents; tactical differences in taxing or pricing carbon becomes high drama; the economic argument, if not the documented performance, is represented in different shades of fiscally conservative grey. These are fights over detail, not national direction or destiny.
The fact Australia’s founding narrative, Federation, is told in a tactical, practical, even utilitarian light may be to blame. In the popular imagination Federation is a transactional arrangement designed to reduce cross-colony tariffs, promote inter-colonial trade and make the country secure against the threat of foreign invasion by redefining its place in a mutually defensive empire.
This story is told in black and white, bleached of idealistic colour. But in fact, Australia was brought into the world by high idealists. They saw the nation’s promise writ large: a continent as a country; the story of a nation born of the desire for union alone, without bloodshed or tears, here to show the world how it was done. The Federalists saw Australia as a moving new chapter in the human story.

A SENTIMENTAL NOTION

As historian John Hirst celebrated in his splendid book timed for the centenary of Federation,Sentimental Nation: The Making of the Australian Commonwealth (Oxford University Press), the Federalists saw their project as one in a movement of nations forming a pathway to a better future for humankind. Theirs was a sacred endeavour; inspired, sentimental and philanthropic. The Federalists, in particular Alfred Deakin and Andrew Inglis Clark, were moved by notions of society’s progress, especially as it was embodied in 19th-century European nationalism. They saw an escape from tyranny and foreign domination in Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini’s unification of Italy and in the nationalist movements in Poland and Hungary.
The Italian story in particular galvanised them. Clark wrote poetic tributes to the heroes of European nationalism, sensing himself something of a prophet:
Thus ever have the saviours of the world
Behind the things that seemed to other men
Eternal facts, seen truthful dreams
That others would not see
Until the facts in fragments at their feet
Fell down, and in the face of all men stood
Revealed the visions which the prophets saw
And followed unto death
Australia’s was a noble birth. Restored to their rightful place in our national story, who knows what imaginative possibilities these dreams might open up?
History is painted in the hues fashionable to the times in which it is drawn. Unlike the lyrical works of John Hirst, mid-20th century historians of Australia, and their protégés, went in search of rational and scientific accounts. Seek such answers and you will find them. But Federation cannot be understood solely by economic and security concerns.
With the more sentimental colours restored, the picture of Federation is inspiring. Absent the high ideals and their broad resonance, Federation would never have got the numbers. Similarly, expanding Australian immigration in numbers and nationalities has always been a story of inspiration, leadership and education. Of course, the commitment of the Federation movement to racial purity and a white Australia, as well as the intentional exclusion of Aboriginal people, is now seen as completely unacceptable. But Federation’s blend of global ideals and local education, inspiration and perspiration, deserves emulation.
While moved by idealist philosophy and the dream of higher things, as is true for all statesmen and women, statecraft involves balancing global aspiration with local realities. In the case of asylum seekers, more could be done to expand the conversation, reminding us Australia is one piece in a global jigsaw. While creating insuperable disincentives to people smugglers, we should expand the case for a bigger, richer and more creative Australia – on which our immigration program depends.
However strong the border protection, the rhetoric need not descend to demonise people who want to start a new life in our country. A proper response to satisfying the less generous instincts of the large mass of Australians, and constituencies in Sydney and Melbourne’s outer suburbs is to challenge their sentiments. Sometimes politicians must be prophets. The crowd is not always wise and virtue lives in the stories we tell. Give people the chance to rise to the occasion. Give them poetry.

AUSTRALIA AS A YOUNG QUEEN

One of the best known Federation poets, William Gay, wrote to Alfred Deakin in 1895: “Though Australians will federate in their own interests yet, from the point of view of world history, the chief importance of Federation will be in its being a necessary step in the progress of civilised man.”
The story of Federation is perhaps best told in the poetry it inspired. Forgotten now, thousands of Federation poems were written. A jewel in this firmament is The Young Queen by Rudyard Kipling, that great raconteur of empire, to honour the new Commonwealth of Australia. It was first published in Britain’s TheTimes then the New York Tribune. The moment it reached Perth, Australia’s first port of call from London, it was telegraphed and printed in newspapers across the country. It was wildly popular.
Australia is represented as a powerful, young warrior queen presented to the old queen (Britannia), reluctant to crown her as Australia is already a queen in her own right:
How can I crown thee further? I know whose standard flies
Where the clean surge takes the Leeuwin or the coral barriers rise
Blood of our foes on thy bridle, and speech of our friends in thy mouth
How can I crown thee further, O Queen of the sovereign South?
But the young queen, a gallant warrior who fought in the Boer War, insists that her sovereignty and fealty are one, and, on her own terms, demands to be crowned:
And the Old Queen raised and kissed her, and the jealous circlet prest,
Roped with the peals of the Northland and red with the gold of the West,
Lit with her land’s own opals, levin-hearted, alive,
And the Five-starred Cross above them, for sign of the Nation’s Five
So it was done in the Presence-in the Hall of the Thousand Years,
In the face of the Five Free nations that have no peer but their peers;
And the Young Queen of the Southland kneeled down at the Old Queen’s knee.
And asked for a Mother’s blessing on the excellent years to be
Having recently watched Australia’s first female prime minister vanquished, it seems we’ve forgotten our nation was conceived and born in the female form. Sometimes she was a queen, often a goddess, embodying universal ideals and civic virtues: justice, reason, truth and art.
It may be testament to the manner of Julia Gillard’s appointment, but it seems sad for a country that finally achieved the milestone of a female prime minister to have failed to savour the moment and instead descend into a misogyny debate. A dream nurtured over generations was realised, then passed over, with little comment or celebration and a total absence of grace.
Australia now paints itself in masculine imagery. The nationalism born of Banjo Paterson’s verse has prevailed. It was written to celebrate the outback and the values of its men: cattle drovers, miners, farmers, Aboriginal stockmen and trackers; brave, foolhardy explorers, squatters and bush-rangers; wild colonial boys, miners and diggers, proving their bravery in foreign wars. We have forgotten the femininity of the early Commonwealth.

MORE POETIC THAN WE REALISE

The new nation achieved something else drawing on the highest ideals: it was not born in war. It is a splendid distinction, again little savoured. Australia’s true midwives (women and men alike) were civic nationalists concerned with the state and the principles and values it could reflect and advance. Moreover, as Hirst points out, Australia’s origins were more democratic than our American or Canadian counterparts: the representatives to our convention were elected by the people.
The Federation project was romantic in its conception, poetic in its expression and embodied classical ideals of the good, the true and the beautiful. Without denying the rational case for Federation, an understanding of the idealism that inspired it could enrich our contemporary politics. We need to open up spaces for more nuanced conversation where good and noble, yet pragmatic and achievable, solutions can breathe. Time to stop filling the air with tweeted sound-bites and slogans, and the false gods of personality politics. The country’s history, in full colour, tells us we were more idealistic, cosmopolitan and poetic than we know.
To have a new vision of the future, it has always first been necessary to have a new vision of the past: countries are made as much of memory as imagination. But each generation adds its history to the canvas, sometimes by painting over the original with the colours of the present.
Only restoration brings it back to life: the Anzac legend was retrieved when historians and film-makers reclaimed it. The triumph of the bush poets in the public imagination was a contingent, not an inevitable thing. The task falls to a new generation of storytellers – historians, poets, artists and film-makers – to illuminate the true colours of the national story, starting with its birth.
In an election campaign Australians yearn for leaders who help them see their best selves, who can explain the country’s meaning and purpose, its farthest horizons. In a utilitarian age, in a nation defined by its pragmatism, this is a big call. No matter. Now is the time for Kevin Rudd and Tony Abbott to paint the future on a canvas as grand as the continent itself. Now is the time for them to ennoble Australia’s story, and tell us their vision for how we can fulfil this country’s great promise.
Elena Pasquini Douglas is convenor of the Centre for Social Impact at the University of WA Business School. She is a writer and film-maker and is currently completing a PhD on the history of economics and virtue.
The Australian Financial Review

Thursday, May 2, 2013

Coalition's charity shake-up, AFR, Review, May 3, 2013



Dying is killing the health system, AFR, April 29, 2012


The Catholic Church and the Republic of Modernity: Challenges for Pope Francis, ABC April 8, 2012

The Catholic Church and the Republic of Modernity: Challenges for Pope Francis

Elena Douglas     ABC RELIGION AND ETHICS8 APRIL 2013




"Francis, don't you see that my house is being destroyed," Francis of Assisi heard Christ call. "Go and rebuild my Church." As scandal and avarice eroded the Church from within, and heresies flourished without, Francis led a reform-movement by his example of simplicity, humility and virtue. Jorge Mario Bergoglio's decision to take the name of the Church's most popular saint was a stroke of genius.
This man who catches buses, cooks his own meals and has renounced the princely acoutrements of the Church has endeared himself to the world. On Maundy Thursday he added another layer to the story when he washed the feet of young male, female and Muslim prisoners, in an act of tenderness which captured the world's attention. The Church hasn't had such positive headlines in a decade.
While the honeymoon may soon be over, a certain afterglow is likely to remain and even be fanned back into flame by this man's extraordinary, natural acts of genuine charity and compassion. He has a certain pastoral genius, but his efforts at deep reform face myriad challenges.
Benedict's brave decision to change the balance of powers between heaven and earth, declared the future no country for old men. It seemed a declaration that the time for a fresh engagement with the modern world had arrived. Although Francis looks likely to maintain doctrinal fidelity, he walks and talks like a reformer. Together, these events suggest that a new age in the Church may well be dawning.
I
To modern eyes, the Church looks weak and ailing, plagued by scandal and challenged by charges of irrelevance to the modern world. The crisis of confidence is, of course, understandable given the many failings of the Church in its long history. The sins are real. The sex abuse crisis, along with the Church leadership's failure to respond with compassion and justice, will stain the Church for decades. The painful process of redemption is still in its infancy, but the Church has ridden times of far greater crisis, and endured.
Judging by Francis's own remarks, he seems to understand that in order to do its work in the modern world, the Church must inhabit the modern imagination. The Church and what I call the "Republic of Modernity" speak different languages and privilege different virtues. The Church values continuity and endurance, while modernity praises novelty and efficiency. Dialogue between people with different worldviews, like learning another language, takes discipline and practice.
The task of the Church is to translate Christ's wisdom into the language - the worldview - of the day. Absent this, Christ's message simply cannot be shared. In this task, I believe the Church is failing. Too often it allows its antipathy toward modernity to be more determinative than its love for humanity. In this way, it denies itself the knowledge necessary to advance its mission. Catholicism betrays itself and its message by becoming a separated ghetto of nostalgic piety.
II
To see the Church through modern eyes is to miss her beauty. Many moderns, of course, would like to see the Church turn to dust; others doubt she can survive. They question both her capacity and purpose in the modern world. Her forms, imagination, centralisation, exclusion all seem anathema to the standards of a secular age.
Equally, the Church has a clear eye on modernity's limits. From the Church's vantage-point, the fatal conceit of modernity is that it thinks it has reached a sort of promised land, the end of history, by means of science itself. And yet science cannot but reduce the world into visible or measurable forces. Science focuses on each component with ever-greater clarity, but is no grand-master when it comes to the sweeping narrative of life.
The pillars of modernity - democracy, science, economics and the self - are means of achieving other ends. The modern-scientific worldview yields a two-dimensional picture, one that is silent on the third dimension - that of meaning and purpose. This renders modernity constitutionally blind to the power of an institution which concerns itself - at its best - with bringing Christ's wisdom and love to life. Reason untempered by faith is thus as dangerous as faith untempered by reason (precisely the point of Benedict's Regensburg lecture).
Modernity may be a biased critic, but engagement between these two worlds should nonetheless yield fruit. Leaps of human creativity have always come from exchange between profoundly different worlds: the Mughal Empire (the meeting of the Muslim and Hindu worlds) and the Renaissance (the wisdom of the Classical age and the structured medieval mind) are but two examples from thousands. Let me sketch the outlines of another such engagement.
III
The art and letters, architecture, painting and sculpture that adorn the Christian canon is a sacred treasury which risks being inaccessible to the next generation. The Church is a living museum for the humanities, an ark which houses the wisdom of over four thousand years: the Egyptian afterlife; Abraham, Moses and the Jewish patriarchs; Plato, Aristotle and the classical world; the religious symbolism and paraphernalia of the vanquished Etruscans; the ascetic and monastic wisdom of the Desert Fathers and Benedict; the power and pageantry of the collective Roman and Byzantine worlds.
In every age, the Church has taught the arts of living. As contemporary authors like philosopher Alain de Botton and sociologistRobert Putnam have observed, the Church retains knowledge and skills in many of the lost arts of living: building communities, serving the needs of others, living a life of sacred covenants, sacraments and spiritual growth.
The Church offers comfort when modernity's promise of control and order fails: we humans suffer; we are left behind in the race of life; we are hurt, fail, find ourselves confused, unable to fathom our inner canyons, nor our place in the world; finally, we face death. Philosopher Jurgen Habermas describes "the awkwardness of non-religious burial practices," and how the "modern age has failed to find a suitable replacement for a religious way of coping with the final rite of passage." Believers, then, will always be strangers in this land, because in the depth of its nature modernity does not have room for the soul.
Moreover, beyond individual comfort, and since the time of Jesus, Christians have stood in solidarity with the poor and vulnerable. Compassion has animated many in the Church for a hundred generations. Today, over 50% of all healthcare in Africa is delivered by the Catholic Church - the planet's most widely distributed welfare-network. Will that be sustained by the next generation in the absence of radical reform?
The modern world has largely lost access to the magnificent artistic, practical, intellectual and spiritual endowment that is the Church's gift to humanity. Francis must find new ways for these gifts to be shared with the modern world.
IV
The Church's longevity flows from her capacity to reconcile endurance with change, to deal creatively with dissent. In recent times, the Church seems to have lost much of this capacity. Jaroslav Pelikan once proposed that while tradition "is the living faith of the dead," traditionalism "is the dead faith of the living." Benedict grasped the vitality of tradition, but perhaps it will fall to Francis to help the Church to renounce traditionalism and be a learning institution once more.
It should be said the belief that the Church is now in a diminished state is by no means universally held. Eminent Vatican watcher George Weigel, for example, points to John Paul II as the architect of a renewed drive to challenge modernity on its own terms - a turning-point from the defensive posture of the counter-reformation. This is doubtless correct, and the now underway "new evangelisation" carries on the vision of John Paul II. But this renewed drive came at a price - namely, centralisation, which was left undismantled by Benedict.
The current top-down Church is simply not viable in the information age. Subsidiarity - the long-held organising principle of the Church, that matters ought to be handled by the smallest, lowest, and least centralised competent authority - must be restored by Francis. Subsidiarity resonates with modernity. Modern biology and economics alike show us that decisions are best made on the ground where they can incorporate local conditions, adaptations and opportunities. That Francis has come, in his own words, from the "end of the earth" augers well; perhaps the Church will now practice what it has long preached.
In fact, the Catholic Church has a special task to reconcile itself with economics. The various papal encyclicals present an often confused and inconsistent curriculum, made worse by the various pronouncements by diocesan bishops' councils, framed with little economic understanding at all. This must be remedied. Economics is a dominant language of modernity. The Church can little afford not to speak it. At the heart of the Church's struggle to be relevant in prosperous lands is its inability to be consistent about economics.
V
It is said that the Church today is held together by old men and sticky-tape. But like all institutions - universities, political parties, professions - the Church faces a "war for talent." This will likely become the defining issue of the immediate future. In a choice-rich world, having sufficient stewards and priests and lay leaders of ability is tough.
There have never been more baptised Catholics than there are alive today - 1.3 billion souls - but as the world gets rich, people lose faith. Without change, the Church's numbers will peak in the coming decades, and then suffer precipitous decline. Francis can see that Catholicism thrives no better in Singapore or Chile than it does in Western Europe. A change of course is needed.
The gap is also widening between the clerical Church and its lay leaders. Too many positions require clerical fulfilment. St Francis was not a priest but a deacon, and yet he sparked a Europe-wide revival in the Church - will this Pope who has taken his name embrace the role of the laity now as crisis looms.
Along the same lines, the question of women's contribution in the Church's leadership and evolution will not go away. Left unaddressed, this issue will remain an agony for many. Eventually, the desperate need for talent will force the Church's hand - surely it is best for Francis to save the pain and make the change now.
VI
Pope Francis must enter into modernity's beating heart, and inhabit both its promise and it limits, and thus derive the lessons for the work of the Church today. Humanity requires an engaged Catholic Church, shaping the imaginative possibilities of the future. The great modern synthesisers of evolutionary biology, psychology, economics and epistemology are arriving at a new humility and championing new ideas of human solidarity, morality and the origins of virtue. The Church simply cannot afford not to engage with them. This is the new ecumenism.
Francis must engage with modernity, not in pursuit of the shallow liberalism of permissiveness and identity, but to meet the deepest yearnings of humanity for community, freedom and love. Francis would appear to have the leadership ability that Benedict, for all his subtlety and brilliance, lacked. He can call modern Catholics-in-exile to return to rebuild Christ's Church.
The exclusion of women from the halls of creativity and leadership will need to be sacrificed to keep faith with a people who know women hold up half the sky. All are needed to help to translate the Church's message into new idioms and world-views, so that this great tradition - the ark of so much of humanity's story - can be shared with the wider world.
VII
As I noted at the outset, it is the Church's flexibility that has always underwritten its endurance. Thomas Babbington Macaulaysaw this, and described in majestic terms:
"No other institution is left standing which carries the mind back to the times when the smoke of sacrifice rose from the Pantheon, and when camelopards and tigers bounded in the Flavian amphitheatre. The proudest royal houses are but of yesterday, when compared with the line of the Supreme Pontiffs. That line we trace back in an unbroken series, from the Pope who crowned Napoleon in the nineteenth century to the Pope who crowned Pepin in the eighth; and far beyond the time of Pepin the august dynasty extends, till it is lost in the twilight of fable.
The republic of Venice came next in antiquity. But the republic of Venice was modern when compared with the Papacy; and the republic of Venice is gone, and the Papacy remains. The Papacy remains, not in decay, not a mere antique, but full of life and youthful vigour. The Catholic Church is still sending forth to the farthest ends of the world missionaries as zealous as those who landed in Kent with Augustin, and still confronting hostile kings with the same spirit with which she confronted Attila. The number of her children is greater than in any former age. Her acquisitions in the New World have more than compensated for what she has lost in the Old ... Nor do we see any sign which indicates that the term of her long dominion is approaching. She saw the commencement of all the governments and of all the ecclesiastical establishments that now exist in the world; and we feel no assurance that she is not destined to see the end of them all. She was great and respected before the Saxon had set foot on Britain, before the Frank had passed the Rhine, when Grecian eloquence still flourished at Antioch, when idols were still worshipped in the temple of Mecca. And she may still exist in undiminished vigour when some traveller from New Zealand shall, in the midst of a vast solitude, take his stand on a broken arch of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of St Paul's."
Pope Francis inherits the responsibility to make the changes that will prevent the Church - and her spiritual, intellectual and artistic treasures with her - from being "lost in the twilight of fable." To do this he will need to bring the two worlds - the Catholic Church and the Republic of Modernity - together to break bread. Perhaps then they can create a new synthesis of truth, beauty and goodness.
Elena Douglas is the convenor for the Centre for Social Impact at the University of Western Australia (UWA). She was the convenor of the Religion & Globalisation initiative at UWA, a partnership with the Tony Blair Faith Foundation.